The History of the Christian Reformed Church in North America (CRCNA)
The History of the Christian Reformed Church in North America (CRCNA)
The history of the Christian Reformed Church in North America (CRCNA) is a study in theological migration, institutional tension, and the enduring power of the secessionist impulse. Founded formally in the United States in 1857, the denomination originated not merely from a general flow of Dutch immigration, but from a focused, religiously motivated movement seeking to establish a purer form of Dutch Calvinism free from perceived state and theological corruption. From its roots in 19th-century European dissent to its current struggles with exponential demographic decline and disputes over contemporary social issues, the CRCNA has continually wrestled with the paradox of defining and maintaining covenant purity within a broader cultural context.
I. The Deep Roots of Dissent: Antecedents of the CRCNA (1560–1847)
I.A. The Continental Reformed Heritage and the Impulse for Purity
The CRCNA grounds its heritage in the magisterial Reformation of the sixteenth century. As one branch of the Protestant movement, its theological foundations were shaped significantly by the work of Ulrich Zwingli and John Calvin, flourishing as the "Reformed" tradition, particularly in the Netherlands. This theological heritage dictates a profound commitment to the sovereignty of God, the doctrine that salvation is granted solely by grace and cannot be earned through good works, and the belief that Holy Scripture serves as the singular guide for Christian practice and doctrine. The CRCNA specifically reveres historic Dutch Calvinism, adhering to the doctrinal formulations encapsulated in the Canons of Dort and the Church Order of Dort.
I.B. The Dutch Afscheiding (Secession of 1834)
The immediate organizational origins of the CRCNA reside not in the 16th century but in the religious and ecclesiastical turmoil of the 19th-century Netherlands. The denomination was fundamentally shaped by the Dutch religious revival and subsequent schism known as the Afscheiding, or Secession. This movement began around the 1820s and 1830s as a reaction against the established state church, the Hervormde Kerk, which was perceived to be compromised by theological liberalism and control by the Dutch monarchy.
The Secession was spurred by figures who sought to restore strict adherence to the Reformed Confessions. Individuals such as Cornelius Vander Meulen, an important Secession preacher, played a critical role in the movement. Hendrik De Cock, whose deposition was a significant catalyst for the Secession of 1834–1835, had his Calvinist convictions challenged by the state church, creating a precedent for resistance that would be mirrored in the United States decades later.
I.C. The Migration Imperative (1845–1880)
The Dutch immigrants who would eventually establish the Christian Reformed Church in North America were overwhelmingly drawn from this Seceder background. This demographic reality is central to understanding the denomination’s identity. Between 1845 and 1880, approximately 13,000 Seceders emigrated, comprising 65 percent of all Dutch emigrants during that period. In the crucial founding year of 1847, 79 percent of all emigrants were Seceders, an astonishing figure considering that Seceders constituted barely one percent of the Dutch population in the homeland.
This highly focused migration of a religious minority granted them a disproportionately strong presence in North America. The influx of Seceders meant that the CRCNA was not merely a Dutch immigrant church, but institutionally embodied the DNA of dissent. The primary motivation for this intense migration transcended simple economics; it was often viewed as a missionary endeavor, an expression of determination to create a society consistent with the fullest implications of Calvinistic covenant life on "virgin soil".
These immigrants carried with them deeply embedded patterns of behavior and belief, what might be termed the Seceder "baggage". They were characterized by a pietistic bent, a reverence for the "old writers," and a foundational wariness of centralized ecclesiastical power, educated elites, and formal synods. They preferred gathering in small conventicles, known as gezelschappen, often led by lay preachers, or oefenaars. This inherent anti-establishment zeal, born from fleeing the corrupt hierarchy of the state church, would create a paradox: the CRCNA would soon need to establish the very institutions (Synod, Classis, Seminary) that their founding members were conditioned to distrust.
II. Establishing the Church in a New Land: Immigration, Settlement, and the Schism of 1857
II.A. Key Settlements and Initial Affiliation
The first major Dutch settlements in the United States were established in the Midwest in the mid-1840s. These colonies were geographically concentrated in West Michigan (including Holland and Grand Rapids), Iowa (Pella and Orange City), and Wisconsin. The founding pastors of the most prominent colonies—figures such as Albertus Van Raalte, Cornelius Van der Meulen, Maarten Ypma, and Seine Bolks—were all Seceders from the Hervormde Kerk.
Crucially, many of these initial colonies, including those founded by the influential Albertus Van Raalte in Michigan, affiliated with the existing Reformed Dutch Church (which later became the Reformed Church in America, or RCA). Van Raalte’s strong leadership was instrumental to the success of the Michigan colony; however, his decision to join the RCA, a denomination that conservatives already felt was losing its Reformed character, was regrettable to the purists and laid the groundwork for the eventual split. The RCA proceeded to establish institutional roots in the colonies, founding institutions such as Hope College and Western Theological Seminary in Holland, Michigan, and Central College in Pella, Iowa.
II.B. The Secession of 1857: The Birth of the CRCNA
By the middle of the 19th century, conservative Seceders within the RCA congregations, particularly in Michigan, felt that the American church was exhibiting problems similar to those they had fled in the Netherlands, including laxity in discipline and doctrinal drift. This tension culminated in the 1857 Secession, the formal organizational creation of the Christian Reformed Church in North America.
The separation was initiated by a group of conservative members in Michigan, led prominently by Elder Gijsbert Haan (1801–1874). The secession began in March 1857 when the Noordeloos church of the Classis of Holland left the RCA. This was quickly followed by groups organizing First CRC Grand Rapids, and the departure of churches in Graafschap and Polkton.
The initial split was small, involving only four churches and approximately 130 families—about 10 percent of the Dutch immigrant church members in West Michigan. However, the new denomination was quickly bolstered by later developments. Further congregations left the RCA in 1882, mirroring conservative movements happening simultaneously in the Netherlands. Consequently, the seceding church body in the Netherlands transferred its institutional loyalty to the newly formed CRC, cementing the CRC’s identity as the genuine institutional heir of the Afscheiding on American soil. From this point forward, new Dutch immigrants tended to choose the CRC almost automatically.
II.C. Doctrinal and Practical Flashpoints of the 1857 Secession
The separation of 1857 was motivated by disagreements that were often matters of practical piety and church discipline, reflecting the Seceders' ingrained commitment to institutional purity. These issues served as boundary markers between the conservative immigrant faction and the more established, accommodating RCA:
Table 1: Historical Drivers of the 1857 Secession
| Category of Dispute |
Specific Issue |
CRCNA/Seceder Stance |
RCA Stance (as perceived) |
| Worship Practice |
Use of Hymns |
Exclusive Psalmody (Hymns prohibited) |
Allowed use of Hymns alongside Psalms |
| Governance/Purity |
Secret Societies |
Prohibited membership (specifically Freemasonry) |
Permitted or tolerated membership |
| Doctrine/Laxity |
Communion Access |
Restricted access; strict interpretation of grace |
Allowed free access to communion |
| Discipleship |
Christian Education |
Demanded regular, rigorous Catechetical instruction |
Perceived failure to provide adequate catechesis |
II.D. Nomenclature and Formal Organization
In the first two years following the Secession (1857–1859), the new denomination operated without a formal corporate name. It subsequently adopted a series of names reflecting its Dutch identity and desire for true Reformed practice: the Holland Reformed Church (1859); the True Dutch Reformed Church (1863); and the Holland Christian Reformed Church (1880). Eventually, the name was shortened to Christian Reformed Church, with the full title, Christian Reformed Church in North America, being officially adopted in 1974.
III. Institutional Maturation and Defining Theological Fissures (1876–1974)
Having established a denominational identity based on separation and doctrinal purity, the CRCNA had to quickly mature organizationally. This maturation phase saw the development of its own intellectual centers and the emergence of severe internal theological controversies that tested the limits of its secessionist mandate.
III.A. Securing the Future: The Calvin Educational Complex
Recognizing that survival depended on training ministers who would uphold the denomination’s strict confessional standards, the CRCNA established the Theological School in 1876. This move was strategically necessary to counter the influence of the RCA’s Western Theological Seminary. The Theological School initially met on Spring Street in Grand Rapids, Michigan.
The establishment of this institution created a dynamic tension that fundamentally altered the denomination. The original Seceders were wariness of synods and educated elites; yet, the CRC’s survival necessitated the creation of the very institutional structure and intellectual class they had been conditioned to avoid.
The Theological School quickly expanded its scope. In 1894, it began offering literary courses to prepare students for seminary studies, courses that by 1900 were opened to non-seminary students. Through progressive expansion—including four years of high school and two years of college by 1908, and three years of college by 1914—the institution grew rapidly. The addition of a college president and a fourth year of college education in 1919 and 1920, respectively, led to the formal formation of Calvin College (now Calvin University). The health and stability of the CRCNA became intrinsically tied to the academic and theological posture of the Calvin institutions.
III.B. The Common Grace Controversy and the Second Great Schism (1924)
If the 1857 schism defined the CRCNA by practical separation from perceived corruption (Freemasonry), the 1924 controversy sought to define the theoretical limits of that separation. The dispute centered on the doctrine of Common Grace, which posits that God restrains sin in the world and provides non-saving blessings even to the non-elect. This theological disagreement, rooted partly in interpretations of Abraham Kuyper’s framework, questioned how Christians should engage with the wider, non-Christian world, serving as a highly abstract, theological corollary to the practical boundary-setting debates of 1857.
The Common Grace controversy resulted in one of the most significant theological disputes in American Reformed history, leading to denominational division and the birth of the Protestant Reformed Churches in America (PRC). The founders of the PRC, including Herman Hoeksema and George Ophoff, also hailed from the Secession background, underscoring the fact that the split was an internal fight between conservative parties over the precise degree of Calvinistic rigor required.
The severity of the resulting schism is evident in local congregational histories. Eastern Avenue Christian Reformed Church in Grand Rapids, the denomination’s largest congregation at the time with 2,400 members, defied the CRC Synod's pronouncement on Common Grace. As a consequence, a substantial majority of its members were ousted, leading to a 75 percent drop in membership in just one year, forming the nucleus of the new PRC. The 1924 dispute reinforced the CRCNA’s reputation for internal theological rigor and propensity for division.
III.C. Expansion into Canada and Early Diversity
While focused heavily on its midwestern base and institutional purity, the CRCNA began its expansion into Canada, officially designating the country as a "foreign mission field" in 1926. Canadian congregations were initially assigned to U.S. classes until 1950, when Classis Ontario was established as the first Canadian classis. This period marked the beginning of a gradual shift away from being a purely ethnic enclave, although the majority of members remained Dutch-descended for decades. The adoption of the "North America" designation in 1974 reflected this widening geographic and demographic scope.
IV. Evolution to a Mosaic Church: Debates, Decline, and Identity in the Contemporary Era (1974–Present)
The late 20th and early 21st centuries have been defined by the CRCNA’s struggle to reconcile its strict, secessionist past with the demands of a diversifying, culturally liberalizing modern world. The denomination describes its current identity as a "mosaic church," encompassing numerous ethnic groups including Korean, Navajo, Hispanic-American, and African-American congregations, a profound departure from its Dutch origins.
IV.A. Divergence of the "North American" Identity
Despite the official adoption of the "North America" identity, the U.S. and Canadian wings of the denomination have developed along increasingly divergent cultural and missional paths. The U.S. side of the CRCNA is historically weighted toward a pietistic legacy, focusing ministry on spiritual emphasis and efforts in developing countries. In contrast, the Canadian CRC often places greater emphasis on public ministry, diaconal outreach, and social justice initiatives. This divergence creates administrative tension and affects shared initiatives, such as U.S.-oriented digital content that may not fully address Canadian ministries.
IV.B. The Struggle for Unity: The Debate over Women in Office
One of the most protracted internal conflicts of the late 20th century centered on the question of women in ecclesiastical office (minister, elder, or deacon). This issue revealed deep divisions over Scriptural authority and the coherence of synodical governance.
In 1994, the CRC Synod declared unequivocally that women could not serve in positions of ordained leadership, citing Scriptural and Church Order mandates. However, this position was reversed just one year later. In 1995, Synod approved a "compromise" that, rather than changing the Church Order outright (which would have required a multi-year process), allowed regional classes or local churches to declare the relevant article of the Church Order "inoperative" regarding women in office. This move, which was seen by opponents as a fundamental undermining of established church governance, immediately allowed certain regional classes, such as Grand Rapids East, to ordain women as pastors and elders. The issue has continued to be debated by nearly every Synod in the 21st century, demonstrating persistent internal instability and a lack of consensus.
IV.C. The Crisis of the 21st Century: Exponential Decline and Schism
The most pressing contemporary challenge facing the CRCNA is an existential demographic crisis marked by accelerating membership decline. The denomination has lost 40 percent of its total membership since its peak of approximately 316,000 members in 1992, dropping to roughly 190,000 members today.
The rate of loss has been steep and exponential. While broader cultural trends affect all mainline denominations, the CRCNA’s losses are deemed "exceptionally steep". The accelerating nature of the decline suggests that internal theological disputes and institutional instability are interacting severely with external cultural pressures.
Table 2: Christian Reformed Church Membership Decline (2000–2020)
| Time Period |
Membership Loss |
Cumulative Decline Impact |
Context |
| 2000–2005 |
3,156 members |
Initial stages of loss |
Broad cultural decline begins |
| 2005–2010 |
10,632 members |
Acceleration of decline |
Rate of loss tripled |
| 2010–2015 |
19,794 members |
Significant increase in loss rate |
Loss continues steepening |
| 2015–2020 |
26,458 members |
Peak exponential loss recorded |
Losses deemed "exceptionally steep" |
| 1992 (High) to Present |
≈ 126,000 members |
40 percent total decline |
Current membership ≈ 190,000 (from 316,000) |
In the face of this existential crisis, the CRCNA has historically responded by increasing theological rigidity, a defense mechanism rooted in its Secessionist impulse to rigorously define purity. This pattern manifested acutely in the debate over human sexuality. In 2022, the Synod adopted and codified a traditional policy, declaring that the Reformed Confessions prohibit same-sex relationships and that affirming such relationships warrants church discipline. This action was partially catalyzed by two LGBTQ+-affirming churches that ordained women in same-sex marriages to the office of deacon.
The controversy has resulted in a new wave of projected schism. Approximately thirty churches, out of a total of just over 1,000 across the U.S. and Canada, have announced their intention to disaffiliate from the CRCNA due to the new sexuality policy. The issue has particularly affected core institutions, raising questions about the alignment and employment stability of LGBTQ+-affirming faculty members at Calvin University.
A profound historical contradiction underscores this recent schism: Eastern Avenue CRC, which led the ultra-conservative faction out of the denomination during the 1924 Common Grace controversy, now stands on the progressive side, rejecting the 2022 Synod’s pronouncement. This indicates that while the spirit of institutional dissent and commitment to purity remains deeply embedded in the CRCNA culture, the definition of "purity" has become ideologically fractured over a century of change. The fact that the conservative sexuality policy was passed by a "disproportionate number of delegates who were fairly young or new to the denomination" also suggests that the polarization is not solely a conflict between older and younger generations, but a sophisticated political mobilization within the denomination.
V. Conclusion: Trajectories and Prognosis for the Christian Reformed Church
The history of the Christian Reformed Church in North America is characterized by the tension between its foundational commitment to separation and its institutional need for unity.
The enduring power of the Secessionist Mentality has been a recurring driver of its history. From the refusal to tolerate Freemasonry in 1857 to the rigorous enforcement of confessional standards regarding sexuality in 2022, the CRCNA has repeatedly defined itself by establishing clear boundaries and exercising discipline to maintain a sense of covenant purity.
The Paradox of Purity and Decline
The central paradox facing the CRCNA today is that the very impulse that gave it life—the secessionist mandate for purity—now accelerates its decline. Every subsequent split or rigorous application of discipline, while satisfying the core constituency committed to strict confessionalism, has driven a significant portion of the membership away. In the 21st century, this dynamic has shifted from internal theological debates (like Common Grace) to socio-cultural issues (like women in office and sexuality). The result is an organizational body that is simultaneously shrinking exponentially and increasingly polarized.
Prognosis: A Fractured Future
The CRCNA's future trajectory appears to be toward greater decentralization and further fragmentation.
- Institutional Strain: The ongoing exodus of churches and the internal conflict over the codified sexuality position place immense stress on shared institutions, particularly Calvin University and the denominational administrative agencies, making shared governance and funding increasingly difficult.
- Divergent Paths: The Canadian and U.S. wings will likely continue to diverge, driven by differing cultural and legal environments, potentially leading to administrative separation or a looser confederal structure.
- The New Purity: The denomination will not cease its pursuit of purity; it will simply redefine it. The new schism demonstrates that "purity" is no longer a monolith but is now fractured: one side seeks confessional purity (strict adherence to traditional dogma), while the other seeks missional purity (strict adherence to social justice and inclusivity as expressions of Christ's mission).
In conclusion, the Christian Reformed Church in North America is a denomination that was born in a house divided and continues to choose division as its primary mechanism for identity formation. The ultimate question for the CRCNA is not whether it will split again, but whether its remaining core—comprised of those who value the legacy of dissent above all else—can sustain the necessary institutions to survive as a denomination in the face of steep demographic collapse. Its history proves its commitment to principle, but its present trajectory challenges its ability to endure as a unified body.
Random Bible Verse (King James Version):
But He that shall endure unto the end, the same shall be saved. (Matthew 24:13)
Sources and Further Reading
- CRCNA Historical Archives and Statistical Data (Source for membership figures)
- Scholarly Works on the Dutch Afscheiding and Seceder Theology
- Studies on the Common Grace Controversy and the Protestant Reformed Churches in America (PRC)
- CRC Synodical Reports (1994, 1995, 2022 - for Women in Office and Sexuality issues)
- Calvin University Institutional History (on the founding of the Theological School and College)
